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teokajlibroj's review against another edition
5.0
Jones certainly isn't neutral but still gives a fair and balanced account of the rise and fall of Corbyn. I preferred it to "What's Left?" which got bogged down in he-said-she-said over every minor detail, whereas Jones is able to keep a clear narrative on the big picture.
aimeesteph's review against another edition
4.0
Haven’t read a politics book in a while but this was great to get back into it. An in depth and persuasive argument as to why we need leftist politics in the U.K., and a great look into the behind the scenes of Corbyns party. Just made me a bit depressed bc we could have had it so good
jessiemessy's review against another edition
Just clearing my currently reading for a fresh start
twosuns's review
DNF’d after the first chapter because I’m not in the mood to read this book at the moment. I will definitely pick it up again in the future though as it is super interesting.
johnmillsxoxo's review against another edition
4.0
Conclusion does not match the tone of the book up until that point whatsoever. Almost reads as Jones being a little bit scary of being too critical of elements of the previous Labour leadership
davidgilani's review against another edition
4.0
This book is essentially Jones’s post-mortem for Corbynism. Why it was able to be born, it’s successes and strengths, it’s downfalls and problems. As it’s written by Jones, it comes from the perspective of a democratic socialist… and I think as long as you are as a reader then you’ll get loads of out the book.
If you don’t agree with the general policy agenda that was championed by Labour under Corbyn, then there will be loads in here that you struggle with. Jones only makes passing comments on policy… pointing out how they’re mostly all things that are popular with the public. I can see how some / many wouldn’t find that enough to go along with the rest of the book.
Overall, I found the book very inspiring. It made me want to think about what more I can do as a Labour member to support the party to win the next general. To learn the lessons that we need to learn from the Corbyn project.
I think the book is very fair - it sees the good in Corbyn, but also acknowledges the high expectations on the leader of a political party and how Corbyn was just not equipped in many areas.
It covers everything you’d want the book to cover: battles within the Labour Party, antisemitism, 2017 election, Brexit, the place for populism and how this originally helped Corbyn, but was then usurped by Johnson.
If you don’t agree with the general policy agenda that was championed by Labour under Corbyn, then there will be loads in here that you struggle with. Jones only makes passing comments on policy… pointing out how they’re mostly all things that are popular with the public. I can see how some / many wouldn’t find that enough to go along with the rest of the book.
Overall, I found the book very inspiring. It made me want to think about what more I can do as a Labour member to support the party to win the next general. To learn the lessons that we need to learn from the Corbyn project.
I think the book is very fair - it sees the good in Corbyn, but also acknowledges the high expectations on the leader of a political party and how Corbyn was just not equipped in many areas.
It covers everything you’d want the book to cover: battles within the Labour Party, antisemitism, 2017 election, Brexit, the place for populism and how this originally helped Corbyn, but was then usurped by Johnson.
pala_untamed's review against another edition
5.0
A thrilling page turner, insightful account, and nuanced discussion of the rise and fall of Corbynism and true left politics.
I was particularly impressed by Jones's chapter 'Dysfunction' which - to an outsider to the internecine drama - seems like it levels various fair criticisms at Corbyn's team. I was also impressed by the chapter on antisemitism which manages to get right, in my opinion, what so many have got wrong. I would consider both to be essential reading for anyone wanting to go into politics, because few people speak about the two qualities needed by politicians that these chapters highlight: good organisation, and the ability to confront difficult perceptions of yourself (even if you vehemently see yourself otherwise).
Jones's account should actually be a manifesto of hope for the Labour left wing, because Corbynism fell not because the public didn't want a true left agenda or indeed because of some institutional witch hunt, but due to an admixture of Brexit, organisational chaos, Labour self-sabotage, insensitivity around antisemitism, and key Comms and strategy failings. Indeed, there are 5 reasons for hope: 1) the media won't necessarily be as hostile to a leftist politician; 2) there are successful alternatives to the mainstream media; 3) Brexit is over; 4) Corbyn and his team's response to antisemitism was flawed and the controversy avoidable; and 5) Corbyn's core message struck home, and couldn't ring more true than today.
1) Jones undermines the claim that Corbyn, with his policies, was inevitably going to come under the media barrage he did. Instead, Jones's cool account diagnoses all sorts of problems in how his office - and Corbyn personally - responded to what was undoubtedly a hostile media environment, and only made it 10x worse. This includes Corbyn's admirable if unhelpful charactistic of not wanting to 'play the media game' and regularly shutting out communications; lack of overarching Comms strategy which allowed Corbyn's character assassination to take centre stage; a head of strategy and Comms who couldn't manage; and constant gaffes.
This leaves hope that future leftist politicians, although undoubtedly unfavoured by mainstream media, could avoid the utter smears Corbyn faced.
2) Despite his relationship with mainstream media, Corbyn's office and Momentum were able to draw on grassroots activism to generate huge interest in and for Corbyn. While Tories now are more up to speed, the growing importance of social media in the news cycle and the increasingly digital population seem a good recipe for repeating this option. Plus, the same grassroots diaspora still exists c.f. The Big One.
3) Jones rightly points out that Brexit screwed Corbyn over royally - and eventually buoyed the Tories to huge success. But Brexit is over and its abject failures are increasingly laid bare.
That said, there are moments that Jones mentions where I can see how, with a proper comms strategy, the debate could have been helpfully reframed - but they repeatedly failed to grab the bulk by its horns. Crucially, after the 2017 election and 2019 they failed to decisively make the debate about "for the many not the few" and elite Vs establishment, and allowed it to be defined by Brexit. I also think this section failed to discuss the possibility of a path between the devil and the deep blue sea, as Oliver Eagleton did: presenting a left wing Brexit founded in holding corporations to account, workers rights, and proper environmental protections. Apparently, Fisher pushed for this. Combined with a reframing of the debate (eg McDonnells "bankers Brexit Vs workers Brexit", or calling out big corporate failings) may well have worked.
4) Jones's discussion of the antisemitism issue is impressively mature, and gives an insight into key failures from right at the top of Corbyn's office. One gets the impression that this problem could have been easily and swiftly dealt with if Corbyn had cooperated - although he did have issues in Labour HQ to contend with. Particularly impressed he regularly highlights Jewish voices.
5) Ultimately, his core message still rings true, especially after a return to unbelievably unpopular austerity, continued crumbling services, and vastly growing inequality during a cost of living crisis. Hopefully, it'll be back soon, especially given a dearth of Tory ideology.
I was particularly impressed by Jones's chapter 'Dysfunction' which - to an outsider to the internecine drama - seems like it levels various fair criticisms at Corbyn's team. I was also impressed by the chapter on antisemitism which manages to get right, in my opinion, what so many have got wrong. I would consider both to be essential reading for anyone wanting to go into politics, because few people speak about the two qualities needed by politicians that these chapters highlight: good organisation, and the ability to confront difficult perceptions of yourself (even if you vehemently see yourself otherwise).
Jones's account should actually be a manifesto of hope for the Labour left wing, because Corbynism fell not because the public didn't want a true left agenda or indeed because of some institutional witch hunt, but due to an admixture of Brexit, organisational chaos, Labour self-sabotage, insensitivity around antisemitism, and key Comms and strategy failings. Indeed, there are 5 reasons for hope: 1) the media won't necessarily be as hostile to a leftist politician; 2) there are successful alternatives to the mainstream media; 3) Brexit is over; 4) Corbyn and his team's response to antisemitism was flawed and the controversy avoidable; and 5) Corbyn's core message struck home, and couldn't ring more true than today.
1) Jones undermines the claim that Corbyn, with his policies, was inevitably going to come under the media barrage he did. Instead, Jones's cool account diagnoses all sorts of problems in how his office - and Corbyn personally - responded to what was undoubtedly a hostile media environment, and only made it 10x worse. This includes Corbyn's admirable if unhelpful charactistic of not wanting to 'play the media game' and regularly shutting out communications; lack of overarching Comms strategy which allowed Corbyn's character assassination to take centre stage; a head of strategy and Comms who couldn't manage; and constant gaffes.
This leaves hope that future leftist politicians, although undoubtedly unfavoured by mainstream media, could avoid the utter smears Corbyn faced.
2) Despite his relationship with mainstream media, Corbyn's office and Momentum were able to draw on grassroots activism to generate huge interest in and for Corbyn. While Tories now are more up to speed, the growing importance of social media in the news cycle and the increasingly digital population seem a good recipe for repeating this option. Plus, the same grassroots diaspora still exists c.f. The Big One.
3) Jones rightly points out that Brexit screwed Corbyn over royally - and eventually buoyed the Tories to huge success. But Brexit is over and its abject failures are increasingly laid bare.
That said, there are moments that Jones mentions where I can see how, with a proper comms strategy, the debate could have been helpfully reframed - but they repeatedly failed to grab the bulk by its horns. Crucially, after the 2017 election and 2019 they failed to decisively make the debate about "for the many not the few" and elite Vs establishment, and allowed it to be defined by Brexit. I also think this section failed to discuss the possibility of a path between the devil and the deep blue sea, as Oliver Eagleton did: presenting a left wing Brexit founded in holding corporations to account, workers rights, and proper environmental protections. Apparently, Fisher pushed for this. Combined with a reframing of the debate (eg McDonnells "bankers Brexit Vs workers Brexit", or calling out big corporate failings) may well have worked.
4) Jones's discussion of the antisemitism issue is impressively mature, and gives an insight into key failures from right at the top of Corbyn's office. One gets the impression that this problem could have been easily and swiftly dealt with if Corbyn had cooperated - although he did have issues in Labour HQ to contend with. Particularly impressed he regularly highlights Jewish voices.
5) Ultimately, his core message still rings true, especially after a return to unbelievably unpopular austerity, continued crumbling services, and vastly growing inequality during a cost of living crisis. Hopefully, it'll be back soon, especially given a dearth of Tory ideology.
themorsecode's review against another edition
4.0
Rounding up from 3.5. Jones covers Labour's Corbyn in a very readable, journalistic style and he has a number of close contacts in the party - indeed, with his links to John McDonnell he was in the room for some major events.
It's clear that Corbyn is a decent man, completely ill-suited for leading a political party and surrounded by people not equipped to run a 21st Century campaign - not helped by several members of the PLP and HQ actively wanting Corbyn to fail. Indeed from my own limited experience campaigning for the Labour Party, it always seemed chaotic and badly focused - endless volunteer's goodwill and time misdirected and squandered.
I don't know if there will ever be a definitive book of this period, with the factionalism making an even-handed account difficult but this is as probably as close to it as there will be. I don't agree with Jones that McDonnell would have been a better leader, he would have been hamstrung by the exact same obstacles as Corbyn both internally and externally, but certainly agree that Brexit did in Labour's terrible 2019 campaign.
It's clear that Corbyn is a decent man, completely ill-suited for leading a political party and surrounded by people not equipped to run a 21st Century campaign - not helped by several members of the PLP and HQ actively wanting Corbyn to fail. Indeed from my own limited experience campaigning for the Labour Party, it always seemed chaotic and badly focused - endless volunteer's goodwill and time misdirected and squandered.
I don't know if there will ever be a definitive book of this period, with the factionalism making an even-handed account difficult but this is as probably as close to it as there will be. I don't agree with Jones that McDonnell would have been a better leader, he would have been hamstrung by the exact same obstacles as Corbyn both internally and externally, but certainly agree that Brexit did in Labour's terrible 2019 campaign.