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$2.00 a Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America by Kathryn J. Edin, H. Luke Shaefer, Kathryn Edin
appaloosa05's review against another edition
4.0
While I knew that many impoverished Americans live in rural areas, this book was a reminder of the fact that resources are fewer in these areas than in the urban areas where I often tend to think of extreme poverty as being concentrated. The author's discussion on the importance of cash, and the implications of welfare reform were food for thought.
khornstein1's review against another edition
3.0
Had been meaning to read this for a couple of years. Great if you don't know anything about poverty in America or the history of public assistance, but dated if you're reading it now and expecting a 2022 perspective.
lalaoblivion's review against another edition
2.0
The content of this book is immensely important. For that, I would have given it 5 stars.
But I hated the writing style, specifically the method the author took of describing the situations faced by those within the book and also the method of incorporating statistics and research.
The book was interesting but, in my opinion, poorly written.
But I hated the writing style, specifically the method the author took of describing the situations faced by those within the book and also the method of incorporating statistics and research.
The book was interesting but, in my opinion, poorly written.
alexisrt's review against another edition
5.0
This book is short but powerful. It focuses on the poorest of the poor--those with under $2/person/day income, living a virtually cash-free existence. Their ranks have grown since the 1996 welfare reform that virtually extinguished cash welfare.
What's clear from the families interviewed is that most of them want to work. Even the disabled are putting in substantial effort. The reasons they are not working are largely structural: they face obstacles to getting and keeping jobs. It's hard for them to apply, they lack transportation, and employers demand complete availability that they do not have. Alternatively, as with residents of the Mississippi Delta (a devastating portrait of a virtually collapsed economy) there are no jobs to get, and their poverty is too deep for them to leave. The families wind up in a vicious circle of instability with little way to get themselves out. Unstable housing leads to job issues which leads to even more housing instability.
Edin and Schaefer aren't as negative about welfare reform as many liberals, but the book, whether intentionally or not, points up its flaws. First, AFDC was effectively abolished. Instead of just limiting it, it was block granted and states were permitted to spend the money on other things. Their incentive was simply to get people off the rolls--not to help them. At this point many recipients believe welfare doesn't even exist. Some are even told it isn't available by state workers. In Mississippi, recipients have declined from 180,000 at AFDC's peak to only 17,000 in 2014, and this is America's poorest state. Families are forced to rely on a variety of strategies to supplement the cash income they lack, some more legal than others, and the availability of nongovernmental resources varies widely. Programs like SNAP and the EITC have helped the slightly less poor by topping up their incomes, but EITC does not help the unemployed. SNAP, while improving nutrition significantly, also presents problems since it is sometimes traded at a discounted rate by the cashless (the authors are careful to note that welfare fraud is rare and has declined, but the poorest may have no other option). One family receives $1600 in SNAP for 11 people, but with almost no cash income, $600 has to be traded in for cash to pay the electric bill, leaving kids hungry. If it were all cash, $300 would not be lost. On the other hand, for those with cash income, SNAP enables cash to be reallocated and results in an increase in the food budget.
What this book makes clear is that the poor need more help. A lot of it. They need jobs that are stable, housing that is affordable and better quality, accessible childcare, and more. And yes--we need cash welfare to bridge the gap.
I wouldn't call this revolutionary--if you're familiar with actual poor people and work on poverty, the basic outline should be familiar. But the fieldwork and statistics are excellent and worth reading.
What's clear from the families interviewed is that most of them want to work. Even the disabled are putting in substantial effort. The reasons they are not working are largely structural: they face obstacles to getting and keeping jobs. It's hard for them to apply, they lack transportation, and employers demand complete availability that they do not have. Alternatively, as with residents of the Mississippi Delta (a devastating portrait of a virtually collapsed economy) there are no jobs to get, and their poverty is too deep for them to leave. The families wind up in a vicious circle of instability with little way to get themselves out. Unstable housing leads to job issues which leads to even more housing instability.
Edin and Schaefer aren't as negative about welfare reform as many liberals, but the book, whether intentionally or not, points up its flaws. First, AFDC was effectively abolished. Instead of just limiting it, it was block granted and states were permitted to spend the money on other things. Their incentive was simply to get people off the rolls--not to help them. At this point many recipients believe welfare doesn't even exist. Some are even told it isn't available by state workers. In Mississippi, recipients have declined from 180,000 at AFDC's peak to only 17,000 in 2014, and this is America's poorest state. Families are forced to rely on a variety of strategies to supplement the cash income they lack, some more legal than others, and the availability of nongovernmental resources varies widely. Programs like SNAP and the EITC have helped the slightly less poor by topping up their incomes, but EITC does not help the unemployed. SNAP, while improving nutrition significantly, also presents problems since it is sometimes traded at a discounted rate by the cashless (the authors are careful to note that welfare fraud is rare and has declined, but the poorest may have no other option). One family receives $1600 in SNAP for 11 people, but with almost no cash income, $600 has to be traded in for cash to pay the electric bill, leaving kids hungry. If it were all cash, $300 would not be lost. On the other hand, for those with cash income, SNAP enables cash to be reallocated and results in an increase in the food budget.
What this book makes clear is that the poor need more help. A lot of it. They need jobs that are stable, housing that is affordable and better quality, accessible childcare, and more. And yes--we need cash welfare to bridge the gap.
I wouldn't call this revolutionary--if you're familiar with actual poor people and work on poverty, the basic outline should be familiar. But the fieldwork and statistics are excellent and worth reading.