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unisonlibrarian's review against another edition
4.0
Tariq Ali is a veteran revolutionary, radical thinker and icon of the left. He was at the forefront of events in 1968 during the failed revolutions throughout Europe and allegedly is also the inspiration behind the Rolling Stones song, Street Fighting Man. Now 71 he has lost none of his vigour and perspicacity that marked him early on as someone worth listening to. This latest volume deals with his concept of the “extreme centre” – the formulation of a politics so devoid of ideas it has become immobile and dangerous; protected from society by an impenetrable bubble distinguishing our leaders from the masses they are supposed to represent. The extreme centre is another way of saying neoliberal orthodoxy but quibbling over the name doesn’t detract from Ali’s visible anger that the work he and his comrades put in over the decades has been and continues to be dismantled in the name of some shadow of democracy.
In among his anger is a severe jadedness too, or a sadness maybe that he didn’t think this far in to the future we would still be fighting for the same rights, the rights that were won previously and, Ali considers, cemented in to an unwritten constitution of progressivism. Unemployment, household debt, health and income inequalities, public housing, transport and education were all things his generation dealt with and ours has let slip backward in to the private hands of piratical entrepreneurs whose only loyalty is to themselves and possibly their shareholders. Our politicians have not only allowed this to happen but have facilitated the obliteration of the post-war consensus, and they now remain but pawns in a power struggle between competing multi-national interests.
Ali confronts the spinelessness of our politicians with his traditional bite and gives us the hope of solutions through the emergence of radical alternatives in such diverse places as Greece, Scotland and Spain while at the same time acknowledging that this homogeneity in politics is making the far-right seem more appealing – as the generation that dealt with fascism so completely, so the next generation are oblivious to the dangers it contains and once again that fight must be had and won.
Overall this book though has been written by someone who has been let down by the left itself and the politics and politicians he and those fellow travellers like him invested so much time and effort in. His most effective scorn is reserved for those members of the Labour Party who have abrogated responsibility for the ever-expanding inequalities in our society and chosen to feather their own nests at the expense of darkening their souls through corruption, double standards and worst of all, legally dubious foreign policy decisions.
In among his anger is a severe jadedness too, or a sadness maybe that he didn’t think this far in to the future we would still be fighting for the same rights, the rights that were won previously and, Ali considers, cemented in to an unwritten constitution of progressivism. Unemployment, household debt, health and income inequalities, public housing, transport and education were all things his generation dealt with and ours has let slip backward in to the private hands of piratical entrepreneurs whose only loyalty is to themselves and possibly their shareholders. Our politicians have not only allowed this to happen but have facilitated the obliteration of the post-war consensus, and they now remain but pawns in a power struggle between competing multi-national interests.
Ali confronts the spinelessness of our politicians with his traditional bite and gives us the hope of solutions through the emergence of radical alternatives in such diverse places as Greece, Scotland and Spain while at the same time acknowledging that this homogeneity in politics is making the far-right seem more appealing – as the generation that dealt with fascism so completely, so the next generation are oblivious to the dangers it contains and once again that fight must be had and won.
Overall this book though has been written by someone who has been let down by the left itself and the politics and politicians he and those fellow travellers like him invested so much time and effort in. His most effective scorn is reserved for those members of the Labour Party who have abrogated responsibility for the ever-expanding inequalities in our society and chosen to feather their own nests at the expense of darkening their souls through corruption, double standards and worst of all, legally dubious foreign policy decisions.
komet2020's review against another edition
4.0
This slim, weighty book is ideal for anyone wanting to better understand the world in which we now live and the political-economic forces which exercise power and control in the UK, most of Europe, and the U.S.
According to Tariq Ali - a political thinker, activist, filmmaker, and writer who I've heard in several radio interviews over the years; he's a very fascinating person - "[s]ince 1989, politics has become a contest to see who can best serve the needs of the market, a competition now fringed by unstable populist movements. The same catastrophe has taken place in the US, Britain, Continental Europe, and Australia." (To that number, one can add Canada, which since 2006, has been under the firm grip of the Conservative Party and its Prime Minister, an extreme control freak who has put the country on a more militant footing abroad, put curbs on free expression and civil liberties at home, and embraced the gospel of neoliberal economics.)
The sections of the book which dealt with the evolution of British politics since Thatcher, the growth of Scottish nationalism in Scotland since the 1970s (as a challenge to "Tory-fied Britain" as embodied by the Tories and Tony Blair's 'New Labour' --- in favor of promoting popular sovereignty and more humane values in the marketplace and society), the change in NATO's purpose and functions since the end of the Cold War (in a chapter named "Natopolis"), and the European Union were really eye-opening to me.
One of the bestselling points of "The Extreme Centre" is that terrorism as embodied by Islamic extremism (e.g. ISIS and Al Queda and its auxiliaries) is not the only threat to democracy today. There is also "the enemy within" as represented by an unholy alliance between many of our political leaders and the corporate elites interested more in maintaining and enhancing their power and control across countries - oftentimes to the detriment of the middle-class, working poor and marginalized elements of society.
Ali does offer, in the concluding chapter, alternatives that can be promoted as effective challenges to the extreme centre. He emphasizes that progressive movements, if well-organized and unafraid to challenge the status quo, can make a difference and undo the corrosive effects of neoliberal economics, creating a truer egalitarian society. This is a book (at 294 pages) to be read for education and inspiration.
According to Tariq Ali - a political thinker, activist, filmmaker, and writer who I've heard in several radio interviews over the years; he's a very fascinating person - "[s]ince 1989, politics has become a contest to see who can best serve the needs of the market, a competition now fringed by unstable populist movements. The same catastrophe has taken place in the US, Britain, Continental Europe, and Australia." (To that number, one can add Canada, which since 2006, has been under the firm grip of the Conservative Party and its Prime Minister, an extreme control freak who has put the country on a more militant footing abroad, put curbs on free expression and civil liberties at home, and embraced the gospel of neoliberal economics.)
The sections of the book which dealt with the evolution of British politics since Thatcher, the growth of Scottish nationalism in Scotland since the 1970s (as a challenge to "Tory-fied Britain" as embodied by the Tories and Tony Blair's 'New Labour' --- in favor of promoting popular sovereignty and more humane values in the marketplace and society), the change in NATO's purpose and functions since the end of the Cold War (in a chapter named "Natopolis"), and the European Union were really eye-opening to me.
One of the bestselling points of "The Extreme Centre" is that terrorism as embodied by Islamic extremism (e.g. ISIS and Al Queda and its auxiliaries) is not the only threat to democracy today. There is also "the enemy within" as represented by an unholy alliance between many of our political leaders and the corporate elites interested more in maintaining and enhancing their power and control across countries - oftentimes to the detriment of the middle-class, working poor and marginalized elements of society.
Ali does offer, in the concluding chapter, alternatives that can be promoted as effective challenges to the extreme centre. He emphasizes that progressive movements, if well-organized and unafraid to challenge the status quo, can make a difference and undo the corrosive effects of neoliberal economics, creating a truer egalitarian society. This is a book (at 294 pages) to be read for education and inspiration.
chalicotherex's review
3.0
Most of Europe’s admired philosophers cannot interpret this world, let alone change it. Economists and sociologists, however, are discussing a number of possible alternatives.
An update of the litany against neoliberalism. I liked the part about England and Scotland at the time of the Scottish referendum, especially his idea that states-within-a-state are the ones most likely to push back against radical centrism. It strikes me as being true in Canada, with both Quebec and our indigenous population. Also a bunch on New Labour and the problem of unwritten agreements where politicians wait until after they leave office to collect on bribes for actions taken while in office (apparently it's well known that British PMs and foreign ministers rake in Saudi Arabian cash for sparsely attended speeches after leaving office).
The advice proffered to the Labour Party in Britain in 1958 by Professor H. D. Dickinson was rejected by Labour, but accepted by the Bolivarian leaders in Venezuela and Bolivia some forty years later:
The rulers of the world will see in these words little more than an expression of utopianism, but they would be wrong. For these are the structural reforms that are really needed, not those being pushed by the EU. What is needed is a complete turnaround, preceded by a public admission that the Wall Street system could not and did not work and has to be abandoned.
Since all Empires in human history have fallen, the American version will inevitably do so too. But when? Until now, despite many a setback, the signs of impending collapse or irreversible decline are few. Occasionally, left-liberals and fellow travellers attempt to paint a canvas highlighting the setbacks in lurid colours, while leaving all else in darkness. The implication is that the United States was once an all-powerful Empire but is now on the wane. The first claim of omnipotence was never the case, and a cold-eyed survey of the evidence suggests that the second assumption, too, is misjudged.
One conscious or sub-conscious function underlying this false optimism about the US’s imminent decline is to abandon effective opposition. It’s no longer necessary to ask questions. If an Empire is approaching its death agony, why waste time discussing the real symptoms? Such an attitude encourages one to decontextualize geopolitical problems, seeing them in isolation from the strategy or needs of the grand hegemon. In this view the world becomes a chessboard, with the pawns in control. None of the setbacks suffered by the United States – most seriously in South America where the Bolivarians have a universal appeal, unlike the jihadis and their supporters – justifies such a view.
The fact is that the globe still revolves, however shakily, around a fixed political, ideological and military axis. We are not even close to the twilight years of the American imperium. Nor is Washington in any mood to surrender its place in the world. It may be a ‘stationary state’2 at home for the time being, but it is hyperactive abroad. In fact domestic economic problems, whose seriousness should not be underestimated, make the Empire more violent abroad. Each new enemy, however peripheral, is described as evil incarnate and presented as such by global media networks, like a capitalist variant of an old Stalinist category – the ‘enemies of the people’ who should be imprisoned, tortured or exterminated at will.
Sick burn:Grillo’s anti-immigrant views are no secret. In 2011 he was quoted in the conservative press uttering remarks no different in tone and content to those of Britain’s Ukip. The difference is this: Grillo is a clown, Farage merely pretends to be one.
The attempts to roll back neoliberalism are gathering momentum, but what to put in its place, and by what means, remain subjects for debate. The most successful movements are targeting the political structures of the state. Taking on its socio-economic base and transforming it on the South American model – state ownership of utilities and heavy regulation of capital – is an essential next step. This will not be easy in Europe. The power of the world financial system, both officially and through rogue elements, to try and paralyse an economy has been on display in several recent cases. They include Argentina, attacked by a vulture fund based in the Cayman Islands; Russia, subjected to US/EU economic sanctions as political punishment; and Iran, subjected to US/EU sanctions for exercising its sovereignty. Radical democracy alone will not be sufficient to repel these challenges. It will require alliances both from above and below to cement changes. We are many, but the few control the wealth, and have a military to back up that control.
A century ago, in 1913 to be precise, Lenin warned:
We live in a very different world on many levels, but what the Russian revolutionary wrote a year before the outbreak of the First World War remains apposite.
An update of the litany against neoliberalism. I liked the part about England and Scotland at the time of the Scottish referendum, especially his idea that states-within-a-state are the ones most likely to push back against radical centrism. It strikes me as being true in Canada, with both Quebec and our indigenous population. Also a bunch on New Labour and the problem of unwritten agreements where politicians wait until after they leave office to collect on bribes for actions taken while in office (apparently it's well known that British PMs and foreign ministers rake in Saudi Arabian cash for sparsely attended speeches after leaving office).
If the welfare state is to survive, the state must find a source of income of its own, a source to which it has a claim prior to that of … a profits-receiver. The only source that I can see is that of productive property. The state must come, in some way or another, to own a very large chunk of the land and capital of the country. This may not be a popular policy: but, unless it is pursued, the policy of improved social services, which is a popular one, will become impossible. You cannot for long socialize the means of consumption unless you first socialize the means of production.
The rulers of the world will see in these words little more than an expression of utopianism, but they would be wrong. For these are the structural reforms that are really needed, not those being pushed by the EU. What is needed is a complete turnaround, preceded by a public admission that the Wall Street system could not and did not work and has to be abandoned.
One conscious or sub-conscious function underlying this false optimism about the US’s imminent decline is to abandon effective opposition. It’s no longer necessary to ask questions. If an Empire is approaching its death agony, why waste time discussing the real symptoms? Such an attitude encourages one to decontextualize geopolitical problems, seeing them in isolation from the strategy or needs of the grand hegemon. In this view the world becomes a chessboard, with the pawns in control. None of the setbacks suffered by the United States – most seriously in South America where the Bolivarians have a universal appeal, unlike the jihadis and their supporters – justifies such a view.
The fact is that the globe still revolves, however shakily, around a fixed political, ideological and military axis. We are not even close to the twilight years of the American imperium. Nor is Washington in any mood to surrender its place in the world. It may be a ‘stationary state’2 at home for the time being, but it is hyperactive abroad. In fact domestic economic problems, whose seriousness should not be underestimated, make the Empire more violent abroad. Each new enemy, however peripheral, is described as evil incarnate and presented as such by global media networks, like a capitalist variant of an old Stalinist category – the ‘enemies of the people’ who should be imprisoned, tortured or exterminated at will.
Sick burn:
A century ago, in 1913 to be precise, Lenin warned:
Oppression alone, no matter how great, does not always give rise to a revolutionary situation in a country. In most cases it is not enough for revolution that the lower classes should not want to live in the old way. It is also necessary that the upper classes should be unable to rule and govern in the old way.
We live in a very different world on many levels, but what the Russian revolutionary wrote a year before the outbreak of the First World War remains apposite.
willande123's review
4.0
Politicians all seem to be the same, don't they? They make the same stump speeches, preach (sometimes literally in the good ole US of A), and come from the same political stock. Now there are 17 Republicans seeking the nomination for the American presidency and 5 Democrats, four of which are really the same, including a Bush and a Clinton. They expound eerily similar policies, are dependent on money from corporations, and don't question the triumph of neoliberal, austerity-driven politics. In fact, if every candidate is fighting for the same system, is it really politics at all? This is a question that perennial dissident Tariq Ali attempts to answer in The Extreme Centre.
In Ali's mind, mainstream political parties in the West are all the same at their core. Sure, the Democrats and Labour want to spend a few more nickels and the Republicans and the Conservatives like to fearmonger, but these supposedly "opposite" pairs of parties are all in hock to the neoliberal capitalist system.
Ali doesn't apologize for being a socialist and a dreamer. He's in the game to try and destroy the rule of the status quo, unopposed in the West since the 1960s and globally since the fall of Communism in the early 1990s. His essays make for an interesting, angry look at the potential future, where reform is left for dead on the roadside and revolution is out of the question.
Having lived in the UK for over half a century, Ali starts his collection off with an evaluation of contemporary British politics (a not-so-guilty pleasure of mine), and man is he damning. Labour, the Tories, the Lib Dems (don't even mention Ukip): they're all the same to Ali, propagators of the rule of the elite, allergic to any meaningful change, and determined to unwind social benefits to rebalance wealth to the rich. New Labour under Blair pushed away Labour's principles to court rich donors, even going as far as beginning the disastrous privatization of the UK's National Health Service, which the current Tory government is furthering. If the NHS becomes like the American healthcare system (hopefully not), spending on healthcare could double from a European average of 9-10% to the US' horrifying 18% of GDP.
Ali is a big fan of Scottish independence, and he makes that clear. He sees in it a radical movement positioned for change and a break from the neoliberal status quo. I'm not sure how he feels about the SNP thrashing Labour in the May general election, but I'm sure he sees it as a positive sign that Scotland is even more ready for change than when it rejected independence last September.
85% of the total Scottish electorate voted, and 97% of eligible voters were registered. Polls leading up to the referendum showed that the pro-independence campaign was in the lead, leading to severe fearmongering by the No campaign. All three unionist parties united to press for a No vote through intimidation, media bias against independence, and fear of the unknown. They won, but at the cost of losing the trust of the Scots for the foreseeable future. Better Together really showed that Labour, the Tories, and the Lib Dems are more interested in the status quo than change, members of the extreme centre.
I remember staying up late to watch the results, dreading a Yes vote, fearing uncertainty and instability for the Scottish people. But looking back, maybe I was a little too scared. The SNP needs a more comprehensive policy program, and also needs to prove that it can enact the change it always talks about while it's still in government at Holyrood. When that happens, I'll consider advocating for independence, but the SNP really needs to convince me first.
To America: Wages are stagnating, the working class has lost its oomph, and Americans are working 10-20% more hours than Europeans (even more than the notoriously hard working Japanese). He cites some harrowing statistics from both the UK and the US to rail against income inequality. The ratio of executive pay to the average company worker's rose from 42:1 in 1980 to 326:1 by 1997. In 1980 the richest 1% owned 20% of the wealth. By 2000, the 1% had 42.5%. The richest 10% netted 85.8%, and the bottom got diddly squat. Bill Clinton the great reformer wasn't all that great according to Ali, and it only got worse under W.
The Euro: "Greece is in shambles, and the Troika and austerity are evil," is the whole argument Ali makes. The economy has shrunk over 25%, Greece will lose over 3% more of its GDP this year according to recent estimates, and unemployment is at horrific levels, over 50% for young people. I agree with his argument fundamentally, but it's important to realize that everyone's at fault. The Greeks lived above their means by relying on cheap money, and the troika, along with French and German banks that were the main recipients of funds from the first Greek bailout, gave it to them. I'm sure Ali is disappointed in how SYRIZA has handled the current crisis, as he expounded many times on the hope he had for a true leftist government in Greece. Austerity (an essential part of the neoliberal extreme centre for Ali) doesn't work. I'm happy to argue that somewhere else, but it's so obvious to me that it's not worth discussing here.
To NATO: Ali argues that NATO is imperialist and was duped by the US and the UK to go to war in Afghanistan and the Balkans so that they could cover their asses and appeal to warmongers at home. With over 662 bases overseas and another 88 in its territories, the US could easily fight anyone on its own if military resources were the only factor. But luckily they aren't, and moderating forces will always be around, even if the US is the global hegemon and many of its policies are misguided. Ali discusses the rise of China here, but he puts forward no new ideas. He sees China as a regional power and a moderate challenger to US global dominance. His argument was too simplistic in my view.
In his closing remarks, Ali waxes political on the future. He finally addresses those fighting against the extreme centre and for change. He especially cites the indignato movement, and the rise of Evo Morales and the Bolivarian Republics of Latin America, who advocate a shared economy of societal gains rather than the profit-driven hypercapitalism. Maybe it's the future, but I'm not so sure.
Are we in a post-capitalist world? Probably, seeing the low growth figures, wealth inequality, and high unemployment that plagues the contemporary world since 2008. He sees hope in alternative politics, notably Podemos in Spain and SYRIZA in Greece. Rather than pure opposition, we need real advocacy, real policy, and real leaders who decide what next steps the world will take. I think Ali would agree with that.
So I'll leave this mess of a collection and review with a quote from indignata Beatriz García.
"Excuses are not good enough for us. We do not want to choose between actually existing democracy and the dictatorships of the past. We want a different life. Real democracy now!"
In Ali's mind, mainstream political parties in the West are all the same at their core. Sure, the Democrats and Labour want to spend a few more nickels and the Republicans and the Conservatives like to fearmonger, but these supposedly "opposite" pairs of parties are all in hock to the neoliberal capitalist system.
Ali doesn't apologize for being a socialist and a dreamer. He's in the game to try and destroy the rule of the status quo, unopposed in the West since the 1960s and globally since the fall of Communism in the early 1990s. His essays make for an interesting, angry look at the potential future, where reform is left for dead on the roadside and revolution is out of the question.
Having lived in the UK for over half a century, Ali starts his collection off with an evaluation of contemporary British politics (a not-so-guilty pleasure of mine), and man is he damning. Labour, the Tories, the Lib Dems (don't even mention Ukip): they're all the same to Ali, propagators of the rule of the elite, allergic to any meaningful change, and determined to unwind social benefits to rebalance wealth to the rich. New Labour under Blair pushed away Labour's principles to court rich donors, even going as far as beginning the disastrous privatization of the UK's National Health Service, which the current Tory government is furthering. If the NHS becomes like the American healthcare system (hopefully not), spending on healthcare could double from a European average of 9-10% to the US' horrifying 18% of GDP.
Ali is a big fan of Scottish independence, and he makes that clear. He sees in it a radical movement positioned for change and a break from the neoliberal status quo. I'm not sure how he feels about the SNP thrashing Labour in the May general election, but I'm sure he sees it as a positive sign that Scotland is even more ready for change than when it rejected independence last September.
85% of the total Scottish electorate voted, and 97% of eligible voters were registered. Polls leading up to the referendum showed that the pro-independence campaign was in the lead, leading to severe fearmongering by the No campaign. All three unionist parties united to press for a No vote through intimidation, media bias against independence, and fear of the unknown. They won, but at the cost of losing the trust of the Scots for the foreseeable future. Better Together really showed that Labour, the Tories, and the Lib Dems are more interested in the status quo than change, members of the extreme centre.
I remember staying up late to watch the results, dreading a Yes vote, fearing uncertainty and instability for the Scottish people. But looking back, maybe I was a little too scared. The SNP needs a more comprehensive policy program, and also needs to prove that it can enact the change it always talks about while it's still in government at Holyrood. When that happens, I'll consider advocating for independence, but the SNP really needs to convince me first.
To America: Wages are stagnating, the working class has lost its oomph, and Americans are working 10-20% more hours than Europeans (even more than the notoriously hard working Japanese). He cites some harrowing statistics from both the UK and the US to rail against income inequality. The ratio of executive pay to the average company worker's rose from 42:1 in 1980 to 326:1 by 1997. In 1980 the richest 1% owned 20% of the wealth. By 2000, the 1% had 42.5%. The richest 10% netted 85.8%, and the bottom got diddly squat. Bill Clinton the great reformer wasn't all that great according to Ali, and it only got worse under W.
The Euro: "Greece is in shambles, and the Troika and austerity are evil," is the whole argument Ali makes. The economy has shrunk over 25%, Greece will lose over 3% more of its GDP this year according to recent estimates, and unemployment is at horrific levels, over 50% for young people. I agree with his argument fundamentally, but it's important to realize that everyone's at fault. The Greeks lived above their means by relying on cheap money, and the troika, along with French and German banks that were the main recipients of funds from the first Greek bailout, gave it to them. I'm sure Ali is disappointed in how SYRIZA has handled the current crisis, as he expounded many times on the hope he had for a true leftist government in Greece. Austerity (an essential part of the neoliberal extreme centre for Ali) doesn't work. I'm happy to argue that somewhere else, but it's so obvious to me that it's not worth discussing here.
To NATO: Ali argues that NATO is imperialist and was duped by the US and the UK to go to war in Afghanistan and the Balkans so that they could cover their asses and appeal to warmongers at home. With over 662 bases overseas and another 88 in its territories, the US could easily fight anyone on its own if military resources were the only factor. But luckily they aren't, and moderating forces will always be around, even if the US is the global hegemon and many of its policies are misguided. Ali discusses the rise of China here, but he puts forward no new ideas. He sees China as a regional power and a moderate challenger to US global dominance. His argument was too simplistic in my view.
In his closing remarks, Ali waxes political on the future. He finally addresses those fighting against the extreme centre and for change. He especially cites the indignato movement, and the rise of Evo Morales and the Bolivarian Republics of Latin America, who advocate a shared economy of societal gains rather than the profit-driven hypercapitalism. Maybe it's the future, but I'm not so sure.
Are we in a post-capitalist world? Probably, seeing the low growth figures, wealth inequality, and high unemployment that plagues the contemporary world since 2008. He sees hope in alternative politics, notably Podemos in Spain and SYRIZA in Greece. Rather than pure opposition, we need real advocacy, real policy, and real leaders who decide what next steps the world will take. I think Ali would agree with that.
So I'll leave this mess of a collection and review with a quote from indignata Beatriz García.
"Excuses are not good enough for us. We do not want to choose between actually existing democracy and the dictatorships of the past. We want a different life. Real democracy now!"
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